Budget Money, Party Power

Russia’s political parties have submitted their financial disclosures for 2024 to the Central Election Commission. Independent outlet Verstka found that while all parliamentary parties rely mainly on federal budget allocations, the ruling party stands apart, benefiting from public funding and massive private donations linked to government contractors and off-the-books regional “shadow funds.”

Edinaya Rossiya ("United Russia"), the largest party in the country, is by far the wealthiest. It received R4.3 billion (about $55 million) from the federal budget under a law that rewards parties with more than 3% of the vote in the elections with R152 (about $2) per vote. Private donations added another R4.5 billion (around $57 million) to the party’s coffers. The top contributors were 50 companies, mostly construction firms with state contracts, each giving the legal maximum of R43.3 million (roughly $552,000).

Additional funds were funneled in through unofficial “support and development” foundations operating in every region. These shadow fundraising structures are usually led by prominent local party officials and receive money from pro-government businesspeople. The financials of these foundations are not disclosed by either the Ministry of Justice or the organizations themselves.

Other parliamentary parties are almost entirely dependent on public funds. The KPRF (Communist Party of the Russian Federation) reported R2.6 billion (around $33 million) in total receipts, of which just R170 million ($2.2 million) came from private sources. Its largest donor, a public organization called Deti Voyni (“Children of War”), led by lawmaker Nikolay Arefyev, gave R20 million ($250,000). Other donations were small and mostly from individuals or businesses.

The social conservative party Spravedlivaya Rossiya — Za Pravdu ("A Just Russia — For Truth") reported R839 million (about $10.7 million), more than half of it from the federal budget. The centrist party Novye Lyudi ("New People") and the right-wing populist LDPR ("Liberal Democratic Party of Russia") showed minimal private backing. Novye Lyudi received R 1.04 billion (around $13.2 million), including R967 million ($12.3 million) from the state. LDPR took in R1.2 billion (around $15.3 million), with R1.07 billion ($13.6 million) of that coming from public funds.

Only five parties crossed the 3% threshold in 2021 to qualify for government funding. Others are left to rely solely on donors. The liberal Yabloko ("Apple") party, the only registered party openly opposing the Russia's War on Ukraine, raised R207 million ($2.6 million) in 2024. Notably, over half came from ten obscure Moscow-based foundations, many of which share addresses and leadership. Four of them are run by one woman. None have visible public activity, and their managers are virtually unknown in Russia’s civil society circles.

Rossiyskaya Partiya Pensionerov Za Sotsialnuy Spravedlivost ("Russian Party of Pensioners for Social Justice") ranked second among smaller parties, raising R91 million ($1.2 million). The party, seen as the personal project of Kremlin political consultant Grigory Kazankov, got most of its funding from donors in the Nizhny Novgorod region — Kazankov’s political base.

In third place was the Partiya Vozrozhdeniya Rossii ("Party of the Revival of Russia"), which last issued a public statement in December 2022, denouncing repressive laws and calling for anti-corruption reforms. The party has since failed to launch regional branches or update its platform and remains absent from all legislatures. In 2024, it collected over R40 million ($510,000), mostly from Moscow real estate firms. Notably, the party’s leader, Igor Ashurbeyli, a former defense industry executive, also claims to lead a “space nation” called Asgardia, which launched a satellite with citizenship data on board.

Some minor parties appear to share donors. The ultra-nationalist Rodina ("Motherland") party, the Rossiyskaya Partiya Svobody I Spravedlivosti ("Russian Party of Freedom and Justice"), and the Kommunisty Rossii ("Communists of Russia," widely seen as a spoiler party to the KPRF) all received R1.2 million (about $15,000) each from the same source: the Interregional Public Foundation for Regional Social Programs. The foundation is based in the same Moscow building as Edinaya Rossiya’s political academy and several pro-Kremlin NGOs.

Official reports only capture part of the financial picture. The Central Election Commission data excludes regional offices and unofficial funding streams. Despite efforts to improve transparency through relaxed rules and expanded campaign financing, political consultants told Verstka that much of Russia’s party financing still operates in the shadows.